The Neocons in the Trump Administration are steering America into another war

This also includes the Saudi Government as well. I say this, because of this piece of news here, via YNetNews.com:

A state-aligned Saudi newspaper is calling for “surgical” U.S. strikes in retaliation against alleged threats from Iran.

The Arab News published an editorial in English on Thursday, arguing that after incidents this week against Saudi energy targets, the next logical step “should be surgical strikes.”

The editorial says U.S. airstrikes in Syria, when the government there was suspected of using chemical weapons against civilians, “set a precedent.”

It added that it’s “clear that (U.S.) sanctions are not sending the right message” and that “they must be hit hard,” in reference to Iran, without elaborating on what specific targets should be struck.

The newspaper’s publisher is the Saudi Research and Marketing Group, a company that had long been chaired by various sons of King Salman until 2014 and is regarded as reflecting official position.

It seems that John Bolton is behind much of this:

Donald Trump’s national security adviser John Bolton wants the United States to go to war with Iran.

We know this because he has been saying it for nearlytwodecades.

And everything that the Trump administration has done over its Iran policy, particularly since Bolton became Trump’s top foreign policy adviser in April of 2018, must be viewed through this lens, including the alarming US military posturing in the Middle East of the past two weeks.

Just after one month on the job, Bolton gave Trump the final push he needed to withdraw from the Iran nuclear agreement, which at the time was (and still is, for now) successfully boxing in Iran’s nuclear program and blocking all pathways for Iran to build a bomb. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – as the Iran deal is formally known – was the biggest obstacle to Bolton’s drive for a regime change war, because it eliminated a helpful pretext that served so useful to sell the war in Iraq 17 years ago.

Since walking away from the deal, the Trump administration has claimed that with a “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran, it can achieve a “better deal” that magically turns Iran into a Jeffersonian democracy bowing to every and any American wish. But this has always been a fantastically bad-faith argument meant to obscure the actual goal (regime change) and provide cover for the incremental steps – the crushing sanctions, bellicose rhetoric, and antagonizing military maneuvers – that have now put the United States closer to war with Iran than it has been since at least the latter half of the Bush administration, or perhaps ever.

And Bolton has no qualms about manipulating or outright ignoring intelligence to advance his agenda, which is exactly what’s happening right now.

In his White House statement 10 days ago announcing (an already pre-planned) carrier and bomber deployment to the Middle East, Bolton cited “a number of troubling and escalatory indications and warnings” from Iran to justify the bolstered US military presence. But multiple sources who have seen the same intelligence have since said that Bolton and the Trump administration blew it “out of proportion, characterizing the threat as more significant than it actually was”. Even a British general operating in the region pushed back this week, saying he has seen no evidence of an increased Iranian threat.

Pat Buchanan observes:

After Venezuela’s army decided not to rise up and overthrow Nicholas Maduro, by Sunday night, it was Iran that was in our gun sights.

Bolton ordered the USS Abraham Lincoln, its carrier battle group and a bomber force to the Mideast “to send a clear and unmistakable message to the Iranian regime that any attack on United States interests or those of our allies will be met with unrelenting force.”

What “attack” was Bolton talking about?

According to Axios, Israel had alerted Bolton that an Iranian strike on U.S. interests in Iraq was imminent.

Flying to Finland, Pompeo echoed Bolton’s warning:

“We’ve seen escalatory actions from the Iranians, and … we will hold the Iranians accountable for attacks on American interests. … (If) these actions take place, if they do by some third-party proxy, whether that’s a Shia militia group or the Houthis or Hezbollah, we will hold the … Iranian leadership directly accountable for that.”

Taken together, the Bolton-Pompeo threats add up to an ultimatum that any attack by Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, or Iran-backed militias — on Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE or U.S. forces in Iraq, Syria or the Gulf states — will bring a U.S. retaliatory response on Iran itself.

Did President Donald Trump approve of this? For he appears to be going along. He has pulled out of the Iran nuclear deal and re-imposed sanctions. Last week, he canceled waivers he had given eight nations to let them continue buying Iranian oil.

Purpose: Reduce Iran’s oil exports, 40% of GDP, to zero, to deepen an economic crisis that is already expected to cut Iran’s GDP this year by 6%.

Trump has also designated Iran a terrorist state and the Republican Guard a terrorist organization, the first time we have done that with the armed forces of a foreign nation. We don’t even do that with North Korea.

Iran responded last Tuesday by naming the U.S. a state sponsor of terror and designating U.S. forces in the Middle East as terrorists.

[…]

Today, Trump’s approval rating in the Gallup Poll has reached an all-time high, 46%, a level surely related to the astonishing performance of the U.S. economy following Trump’s tax cuts and sweeping deregulation.

While a Gulf war with Iran might be popular at the outset, what would it do for the U.S. economy or our ability to exit the forever war of the Middle East, as Trump has pledged to do?

In late April, in an interview with Fox News, Iran’s foreign minister identified those he believes truly want a U.S.-Iranian war.

Asked if Trump was seeking the confrontation and the “regime change” that Bolton championed before becoming his national security adviser, Mohammad Javad Zarif said no. “I do not believe President Trump wants to do that. I believe President Trump ran on a campaign promise of not bringing the United States into another war.

“President Trump himself has said that the U.S. spent $7 trillion in our region … and the only outcome of that was that we have more terror, we have more insecurity, and we have more instability.

“People in our region are making the determination that the presence of the United States is inherently destabilizing. I think President Trump agrees with that.”

But if it is not Trump pushing for confrontation and war with Iran, who is?

Said Zarif, “I believe ‘the B-team’ wants to actually push the United States, lure President Trump, into a confrontation that he doesn’t want.”

And who makes up “the B-team”?

Zarif identifies them: Bolton, Benjamin Netanyahu, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed.

Should the B-team succeed in its ambitions — it will be Trump’s war, and Trump’s presidency will pay the price.

Buchanan also writes:

After an exhausting two weeks, one is tempted to ask: How many quarrels, clashes and conflicts can even a superpower manage at one time? And is it not time for the United States, preoccupied with so many crises, to begin asking, “Why is this our problem?”

Perhaps the most serious issue is North Korea’s quest for nuclear-armed missiles that can reach the United States. But the reason Kim is developing missiles that can strike Seattle or LA is that 28,000 U.S. troops are in South Korea, committed to attack the North should war break out. That treaty commitment dates to a Korean War that ended in an armed truce 66 years ago.

If we cannot persuade Pyongyang to give up its nuclear weapons in return for a lifting of sanctions, perhaps we should pull U.S. forces off the peninsula and let China deal with the possible acquisition of their own nuclear weapons by Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.

Iran has no nukes or ICBMs. It wants no war with us. It does not threaten us. Why is Iran then our problem to solve rather than a problem for Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States and the Sunni Arabs?

Nor does Russia’s annexation of Crimea threaten us. When Ronald Reagan strolled through Red Square with Mikhail Gorbachev in 1988, all of Ukraine was ruled by Moscow.

The Venezuelan regime of Nicolas Maduro was established decades ago by his mentor, Hugo Chavez. When did that regime become so grave a threat that the U.S. should consider an invasion to remove it?

During the uprising in Caracas, Bolton cited the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. But according to President James Monroe, and Mike Pompeo’s predecessor John Quincy Adams, who wrote the message to Congress, under the Doctrine, while European powers were to keep their hands off our hemisphere — we would reciprocate and stay out of Europe’s quarrels and wars.

Wise folks, those Founding Fathers.

Bolton must go, if Trump wants to remain President. because those who elected him, who do not subscribe to the neocon foreign policy doctrine, will vote for someone else or not at all.

 

Pat Buchanan on John McCain

I respect the man, but the truth must be told.

Pat Buchanan Writes:

No one around has the prestige or media following of McCain.

And the cause he championed, compulsive intervention in foreign quarrels to face down dictators and bring democrats to power, appears to be a cause whose time has passed.

When 9/11 occurred, America was united in crushing the al-Qaida terrorists who perpetrated the atrocities. John McCain then backed President Bush’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003, which had no role in the attacks.

During Barack Obama’s presidency, he slipped into northern Syria to cheer rebels who had arisen to overthrow President Bashar Assad, an insurgency that led to a seven-year civil war and one of the great humanitarian disasters of our time.

McCain supported the expansion of NATO into Eastern Europe and the Baltic, right up to Russia’s border. When Georgia invaded South Ossetia in 2008, and was expelled by the Russian army, McCain roared, “We are all Georgians now!”

He urged intervention. But Bush, his approval rating scraping bottom, had had enough of the neocon crusades for democracy.

McCain’s contempt for Vladimir Putin was unconstrained. When crowds gathered in Maidan Square in Kiev to overthrow an elected pro-Russian president, McCain was there, cheering them on.

He supported sending arms to the Ukrainian army to fight pro-Russian rebels in the Donbass. He backed U.S. support for Saudi intervention in Yemen. And this war, too, proved to be a humanitarian disaster.

John McCain was a war hawk, and proud of it. But by 2006, the wars he had championed had cost the Republican Party both houses of Congress.

In 2008, when he was on the ballot, those wars helped cost him the presidency.

By 2016, the Republican majority would turn its back on McCain and his protege, Sen. Lindsey Graham, and nominate Donald Trump, who said he would seek to get along with Russia and extricate America from the wars into which McCain had helped plunge the country.

Yet, while interventionism now has no great champion and has proven unable to rally an American majority, it retains a residual momentum. This compulsion is pushing us to continue backing the Saudi war in Yemen and to seek regime change in Iran.

Yet if either of these enterprises holds any prospect of bringing about a more peaceful and prosperous Middle East, no one has made the case.

While the foreign policy that won the Cold War, containment, was articulated by George Kennan and pursued by presidents from Truman to Bush I, no grand strategy for the post-Cold War era has ever been embraced by a majority of Americans.

Bush I’s “New World Order” was rejected by Ross Perot’s economic patriots and Bill Clinton’s baby boomers who wanted to spend America’s peace dividend from our Cold War victory on America’s homefront.

As for the Bush II crusades for democracy “to end tyranny in our world,” the fruits of that Wilsonian idealism turned into ashes in our mouths.

But if the foreign policy agendas of Bush I and Bush II, along with McCain’s interventionism, have been tried and found wanting, what is America’s grand strategy?

What are the great goals of U.S. foreign policy? What are the vital interests for which all, or almost all Americans, believe we should fight?

“Take away this pudding; it has no theme,” said Churchill. Britain has lost an empire, but not yet found a role, was the crushing comment of Dean Acheson in 1962.

Both statements appear to apply to U.S. foreign policy in 2018.

Read more at Pat Buchanan’s site

While John McCain was a great man, he was a neocon war hawk. This cannot be denied.

 

God Bless Shepard Smith at Fox News Channel

For this gem of a smack down of Donald Trump: (H/T to Mediaite)

https://youtu.be/weHjxfa4bvA

Shepard Smith is correct, we need NATO, no matter what people like Pat Buchanan might say.

Uber Hawk Neocon John Bolton to join Trump Admin

This is unsettling to say the least. It appears that Uber-Hawk and extreme warmonger John Bolton is joining the Trump Administration.

I also need to correct another blogger. Charles Johnson said the following:

And now, the return of palo-conservative anti-Muslim mustache host John Bolton, as our so-called president’s National Security Adviser, possibly the worst person ever to hold this position. No, make that probably. Actually, definitely.

Um, John Bolton is not a paleoconservative, he is, in fact, a extremely hawkish neoconservative. I mean, this was one of the people that convinced Bush to go into Iraq. No Paleoconservative would have done that.

Needless to say, I believe that the Nationalists and the Paleocons, like myself, have been duped.

 

 

National Review actually says something nice about Donald Trump

Well, this is different….:

For all his known vulnerabilities, Trump has often proven to be a highly effective operator when he focuses on getting what he wants. That’s exactly what worries left-wing groups and Democrats. Having underestimated him for so long, they now fear he won’t easily be forced to slow down or change course as he moves to overturn their agenda. – Source: Trump Moves Right, Pleasing Conservatives, Alarming Democrats | National Review

This is coming from a political rag that had zero, zilch, Nada, nothing to say about Donald Trump during the election. As far as his “known vulnerabilities”, the one he has is that he does not have his nose stuck up the butt of the neocon Republican establishment.

As far as Donald Trump is concerned; the proof is in the pudding. I am taking a wait and see approach to him, just like I did President Obama. If things change, I will have nothing bad to say about him. If they do not, I will criticize him, just like I did Obama. Talk is cheap. I want action, and so far, I have not seen anything great out of Trump; just a bunch of talk.

Others: Shot in the Dark

 

Guest Voice: No Change in Foreign Policy from 2016 Standard-bearers

With all the turmoil and uncertainty coming from this election cycle, one constant is already known. U.S. Foreign Policy is well under the control of the international interventionists. The career globalists on the American payroll continue to push for more and greater engagements. Step back and consider the premise. Seldom is there an international involvement that is not eagerly embraced, funded and expanded. Based upon this premise, the record of continued failures is better understood. The systemic decline of a once great nation has developed into a pathetic deterioration of an imperial empire.

Continue reading Guest Voice: No Change in Foreign Policy from 2016 Standard-bearers”

A brutal take down of the so-called “Conservative Movement”

This is rough, tough, and brutal. I am in agreement with Vox Day on this one, he calls it “Devastating. Absolutely devastating” and he is very much correct. Yes, I know, I have had disagreements with Vox Day in the past. But, on this, he is spot on. (I cannot seem to locate the posts, I may have pulled them.)

This article by a John Kludge over at ricochet basically sums up my feelings as well:

Let me say up front that I am a life-long Republican and conservative. I have never voted for a Democrat in my life and have voted in every presidential and midterm election since 1988. I have never in my life considered myself anything but a conservative. I am pained to admit that the conservative media and many conservatives’ reaction to Donald Trump has caused me to no longer consider myself part of the movement. I would suggest to you that if you have lost people like me, and I am not alone, you might want to reconsider your reaction to Donald Trump. Let me explain why.

First, I spent the last 20 years watching the conservative media in Washington endorse and urge me to vote for one candidate after another who made a mockery of conservative principles and values. Everyone talks about how thankful we are for the Citizens’ United decision but seems to have forgotten how we were urged to vote for the coauthor of the law that the decision overturned. In 2012, we were told to vote for Mitt Romney, a Massachusetts liberal who proudly signed an individual insurance mandate into law and refused to repudiate the decision. Before that, there was George W. Bush, the man who decided it was America’s duty to bring democracy to the Middle East (more about him later). And before that, there was Bob Dole, the man who gave us the Americans with Disabilities Act. I, of course, voted for those candidates and do not regret doing so. I, however, am self-aware enough to realize I voted for them because I will vote for virtually anyone to keep the Left out of power and not because I thought them to be the best or even really a conservative choice. Given this history, the conservative media’s claims that the Republican party must reject Donald Trump because he is not a “conservative” are pathetic and ridiculous to those of us who are old enough to remember the last 25 years.

It is this part here that really sticks out:

Third, there is the issue of the war on Islamic extremism. Let me say upfront that, as a veteran of two foreign deployments in this war, I speak with some moral authority on it. So please do not lecture me on the need to sacrifice for one’s country or the nature of the threat that we face. I have gotten on that plane twice and have the medals and t-shirt to prove it. And, as a member of the one percent who have actually put my life on the line in these wars movement conservatives consider so vital, my question for you and every other conservatives is just when the hell did being conservative mean thinking the US has some kind of a duty to save foreign nations from themselves or bring our form of democratic republicanism to them by force? I fully understand the sad necessity to fight wars and I do not believe in “blow back” or any of the other nonsense that says the world will leave us alone if only we will do that same. At the same time, I cannot for the life of me understand how conservatives of all people convinced themselves that the solution to the 9-11 attacks was to forcibly create democracy in the Islamic world. I have even less explanations for how — 15 years and 10,000 plus lives later — conservatives refuse to examine their actions and expect the country to send more of its young to bleed and die over there to save the Iraqis who are clearly too slovenly and corrupt to save themselves.

The lowest moment of the election was when Trump said what everyone in the country knows: that invading Iraq was a mistake. Rather than engaging the question with honest self-reflection, all of the so called “conservatives” responded with the usual “How dare he?” Worse, they let Jeb Bush claim that Bush “kept us safe.” I can assure you that President Bush didn’t keep me safe. Do I and the other people in the military not count? Sure, we signed up to give our lives for our country and I will never regret doing so. But doesn’t our commitment require a corresponding responsibility on the part of the president to only expect us to do so when it is both necessary and in the national interest?

And since when is bringing democracy to Iraq and Afghanistan so much in the national interest that it is worth killing or maiming 50,000 Americans to try and achieve? I don’t see that, but I am not a Wilsonian and used to, at least, be a conservative. I have these strange ideas that my government ought to act in America’s interests instead of the rest of the world’s interests. I wish conservatives could understand how galling it was to have a fat, rich, career politician who has never once risked his life for this country lecture those of us who have about how George Bush kept us safe.

Donald Trump is the only Republican candidate who seems to have any inclination to act strictly in America’s interest. More importantly, he is the only Republican candidate who is willing to even address the problem. Trump was right to say that we need to stop letting more Muslims into the country or, at least, examine the issue. And like when he said the obvious about Iraq, the first people to condemn him and deny the obvious were conservatives. Somehow, being conservative now means denying the obvious and saying idiotic fantasies like “Islam is the religion of peace,” or “Our war is not with Islam.” Uh, sorry but no it is not, and yes it is. And if getting a president who at least understands that means voting for Trump, then I guess I am not a conservative.

This is what you would call a political smack down and it is about time someone said it. This here too, is something that I high agree with:

Lost in all of this is the older strain of conservatism. The one I grew up with and thought was reflective of the movement. This strain of conservatism believed in the free market and capitalism but did not fetishize them the way so many libertarians do. This strain understood that a situation where every country in the world but the US acts in its own interests on matters of international trade and engages in all kinds of skulduggery in support of their interests is not free trade by any rational definition. This strain understood that a government’s first loyalty was to its citizens and the national interest. And also understood that the preservation of our culture and our civil institutions was a necessity.

I put in bold, underlined and turned that quote red to make a point. This above is what happened to the Conservative movement. It started after Ronald Reagan left office and got really crazy after the election and ultimate defeat of George H.W. Bush. After that, Conservationism went straight loony after that. Conservatives have no one to blame, but themselves. They put in a President, who went soft on taxes, and whom proceeded to usher in the “new world order.” and the Reaganites; which consisted of Fundamentalist Christians, like myself — went running for the hills. They knew then, that they had been duped.

Now, this many years later; along comes Trump and he dares to challenge those in the ivory towers that have created what we have now —- and the vultures are out for blood. They know that the current existing state of affairs in Washington D.C. is being threatened and they are doing everything they can to stop Donald Trump.

The question is, can Donald Trump fight them effectively enough to win the nomination?

More interesting reading about the neocon panic over @RealDonaldTrump

I wrote previously about the neocon, Trotskyite panic that is happening in the Republican Party.

Here is more about it, check out: Why Trump Is Panicking Robert Kagan | The National Interest

Needless to say, from now to the election in November is going to be very interesting. Not to mention from now till the end of the primaries.

 

 

Neocon Jonah Goldberg says don’t call neocons “Neocons” anymore

So, Jonah Goldberg says we can’t call them Neocons anymore. Goldberg also says that doing so makes we that disagree with their politics and style of foreign policy are just Israel haters and Jew haters. Right.

Perhaps we should just call them diamond merchant warmongers and get it over with? 🙄

Thus saith the neocon:

In interviews and on the stump, Sen. Ted Cruz likes to attack President Obama, Hillary Clinton and “some of the more aggressive Washington neocons” for their support of regime change in the Middle East.

Every time we topple a dictator, Cruz argues, we end up helping terrorists or extremists.

He has a point. But what interests me is his use of the word “neocon.” What does he really mean?

Some see dark intentions. “He knows that the term in the usual far-left and far-right parlance means warmonger, if not warmongering Jewish advisers, so it is not something he should’ve done,” former George W. Bush advisor Elliott Abrams told National Review. Another former Bush adviser calls the term “a dog whistle.”

I think that’s all a bit overblown. Cruz is just trying to criticize his opponent Marco Rubio, who supported regime change in Libya. There’s little daylight between the two presidential contenders on foreign policy, and this gives Cruz an opening for attack.

But Abrams is right — and Cruz surely knows — that for many people “neocon” has become code for suspiciously Hebraic super-hawk. It’s an absurd distortion.

Instead of commenting on this idiotic tripe, I shall let Paul Gottfried at LewRockwell.com take this buffoon down, and please excuse my quoting of the entire thing; but it is that good:

Although I have frequently accused Jonah Goldberg of being an intellectual vulgarian, his latest column “The Term Neocon Has Run Its Course” has convinced me that he also lives on a different planet. On this celestial body, “neocons weren’t any more hawkish than anyone else on the right.” Moreover, this group is now vanishing as a recognizable sect and anyone who persists in “using the nut charge” is embracing an anti-Semitic slur, that is, “a code for suspiciously Hebraic superhawk.” Since Republican presidential hopeful Ted Cruz recently suggested that he would pursue a more moderate foreign policy than the group that Goldberg assures is no longer a noticeable presence, it is important to chastise the Texas senator for his dangerous error. Cruz is perpetuating “an absurd distortion.” Although Goldberg in his extraordinary generosity would permit the right “to have a long overdue argument about how to conduct foreign policy,” he demands that participants “leave neoconservatism out of it.”

Goldberg inserts into his diatribe statements that have some slight relation to reality. “At first,” whenever that was, the neoconservatives, whom we may designate as such in some time long past, were “disillusioned by the follies of the Great Society.” In the 1970s and even later, identifiable neoconservative publicists criticized LBJ’s policies as friendly critics, who accepted a large welfare state but wanted to make it work a bit better. Neoconservative promoter Irving Kristol argued that his movement was a “persuasion,” not an “ideology,” and tried to “bring the new language of sociology to an intellectual tradition than had been grounded more in Aristotelian thinking.” Afterwards neoconservatives became interested in “democracy promotion” because of their “disgust with Richard Nixon’s détente and Jimmy Carter’s fecklessness.”

But after surveying the history of a movement that is no longer to be noticed, Goldberg warns us against certain misconceptions. We should not view neoconservatives as “outliers” but recognize that the former neocons are now “simply part of the conservative mainstream.” Indeed a favorite neoconservative view “that the United States should use its military power to support democracies abroad” has now evolved into the firm belief of “many members of both parties.” Goldberg finally argues against the supposed lie that neoconservatives because they are mostly intensely Zionistic Jews are passionately pro-Israel. Gentiles, he assures us, hold the same position about the only democracy in the Middle East because (well!) there are moral gentiles as well as moral Jews: “Neocons [apparently we’re still allowed to call them that, providing we burn incense on their altar] want to help America’s democratic allies everywhere.”

Allow me to speak, as the French say, en cause de connaissance, as the world’s surviving expert on this dismal subject: the neocons are still around and particularly conspicuous in the District of Columbia. They were no more integrated into the conservative “mainstream” than Stalin was integrated into the Polish mainstream after World War Two.  They swallowed up the self-described conservative movement, with lots of collaborators and then ousted, while destroying the reputations of those who wouldn’t cooperate. I’m not aware of any “neoconservative” contribution to our funded social knowledge. If memory serves, most neoconservative luminaries have been journalists and Washington office-seekers. Also the gentiles who have gone along with the neoconservatives’ Middle Eastern policy have been financial dependent on them or else people whom they threatened with charges of anti-Semitism, the way Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton threaten to expose white corporate executives, whom they’re trying to bring around. I know from personal experience what the neocons can do to ruin the career of someone who is suspected of not taking their party line on Israel. And unlike Norman Finkelstein, whose academic career they destroyed even more thoroughly, I never took a pro-Palestinian position when I suffered their wrath for being “untrustworthy on Israel.”

By the way, take a look at the Jerusalem Post (paid for by the neocon sugar daddy Rupert Murdoch), particularly the columns of Caroline Glick, which are also featured in the WSJ for truly over-the-top Zionism. Glick and her patron represent the quintessentially neoconservative idea of having the Israeli government absorb the West Bank entirely. Presumably the Palestinians can be encouraged to relocate (perhaps to the multicultural global democratic empire across the Atlantic); while the other Palestinians can be instructed by the Israelis in “democratic” values.

It is nonsense to state that the neocons are like “everyone on the right” since there is absolutely nothing rightists about their “persuasion” or epidemic. Further, I would have to spend weeks trying to find anything that the neocons profess that is not a vintage leftist belief.  That they took over the conservative movement without much effort and then cannibalized the uncooperative indicate the moral worthlessness of what they came to control. But what made this takeover even more noteworthy is the impossibility of discerning any conservative or libertarian substance in anything the neocons have promoted. Even their hawkishness has always been of the leftist kind, based on the use of military force to promote democratic equality, feminism and more recently, gay rights.

Goldberg is bothered that some old geezers are clinging to the “label” that he’s trying to put into “retirement.” It’s like the embarrassment felt by my leftist professors and fellow-students in graduate school in the mid-1960s when they learned that some nice progressive had revealed himself to be a “communist.” This unsettled academic society because communists as such were not supposed to exist. What others referred to as communists were simply agrarian reformers or Third World nationalists or in the case of Mao Zee Dong a neo-Confucian guide to a higher way of life.

But let me note that Goldberg is not alone in the habit that I associated in graduate school with communist-sympathizers. At a conference on conservatism five years ago (at which my friend David Gordon was present with me) most of the participants kept referring to “onetime neoconservatives” as representing “one among other strains in the conservative movement.” Since David and I were among a minority in the room who were not living off neocon philanthropy, I felt uninhibited about responding to the operative party-line phrase. I pointed out that in the former German Democratic Republic the Communist Party was only one of several parties in a coalition. But anyone who tells us that all the other parties in East Germany counted for as much as the party that ran the East German dictatorship is hopelessly ignorant or hopelessly mendacious.

Amen and Amen, they should called out and exposed for what they truly are; which are Israel-firsters and America seconders. Furthermore, they should be exposed as Jewish Supremacists, who honestly do not give a beaver damn about America, our Constitution, our American Christian values; as long as their Country is defended and if America has to lose lives, our economy crippled and our standing in the world hurt, they could care less; all they care about is defending their homeland.

This, my friend, should be considered a crime, in itself.

Update: Ron Paul’s Institute for Peace Neocon Watch blog feels the same way I do. I admit, I’ve had issues with them, when it comes to some of the stuff that they write and how it is written — but this is spot on.